Governments don't easily hand over multi-billion dollar military contracts to random people. Yet, an Indian-origin businessman managed to bypass standard security protocols, gain the trust of a nation's defense minister, and secure preliminary agreements for fighter jets, helicopters, and advanced military equipment.
He didn't do it with a massive industrial manufacturing background. He did it by convincing people he was a covert operative for the United States Central Intelligence Agency.
An investigation by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) along with Indonesian publication Tempo brought the details to light. The narrative centers on Gaurav Srivastava, a businessman who built a relationship with Prabowo Subianto during Subianto's tenure as Indonesia’s defense minister—before he rose to become the country's president.
Srivastava, known affectionately in those inner circles by the nickname "Mr. G," allegedly used his fabricated CIA identity to orchestrate massive defense procurement arrangements. The scale of the deception reveals just how vulnerable high-level international trade can be to a masterfully executed bluff.
How Mr G Penetrated Indonesia Inner Circle
Gaining access to a country's top defense officials requires a highly calculated strategy. Srivastava didn't just claim to work for the CIA. He built an elaborate narrative that addressed specific, sensitive geopolitical issues.
According to civil lawsuits filed in California and New York by his former business partner, Niels Troost, Srivastava was captured on recorded phone calls asserting his intelligence status. He used these claims to build deep credibility with Indonesian officials and prominent business figures, including Prabowo’s younger brother, Hashim Djojohadikusumo, the chairman of the Arsari Group.
Srivastava allegedly took credit for major geopolitical operations to solidify his standing. He claimed he helped identify the perpetrators behind the devastating 2002 Bali bombings, which killed over 200 people.
Even more bold was his claim that he used his intelligence influence to remove Prabowo Subianto from a long-standing US immigration blacklist. Prabowo had been banned from entering the United States for nearly two decades due to human rights abuse allegations tied to his past military career. When the US lifted that ban, Srivastava allegedly pointed to it as proof of his backroom power.
The illusion worked. Troost recounted accompanying Srivastava to Prabowo's private Garuda Yaksa estate in Hambalang, West Java. During the trip, Srivastava demonstrated intimate knowledge of Prabowo's personal eccentricities. He noted that Prabowo believed spiders and their webs should never be cleared from his home because they are an essential part of nature.
This level of perceived intimacy allowed "Mr. G" to accompany the defense minister to high-stakes official meetings in both Jakarta and Washington, D.C.
The Billion Dollar Illusion of Shell Companies
Between 2020 and 2022, the relationship translated into actual documentation. Srivastava controlled four separate corporate entities. Through them, he managed to secure five preliminary defense agreements directly from Indonesia’s Ministry of Defence and a state-owned defense firm.
The paperwork looked real. It included three Letters of Intent in 2020, followed by another Letter of Intent and a Memorandum of Understanding spanning 2021 and 2022. The proposed military acquisitions were massive, encompassing:
- 36 F-15 fighter jets
- UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters
- C-130 transport aircraft
- A comprehensive joint operations command and control center
Srivastava was even photographed alongside Prabowo and corporate executives at an official signing ceremony, an event that was subsequently broadcast at a public press conference.
The underlying reality of these businesses was entirely different. Corporate registration records reviewed during the OCCRP investigation revealed that all four companies holding these massive military agreements were shell entities. They had zero history in defense procurement, lacked technical infrastructure, and possessed no manufacturing capabilities.
The illusion dissolved entirely when the United States government formally approved a potential $13.9 billion sale of 36 F-15 fighter jets to Indonesia in 2022. When the US Defense Security Cooperation Agency issued its official public announcement regarding the deal, none of Srivastava’s shell companies were listed as parties or intermediaries.
Eventually, all four of his entities were deregistered by corporate regulators for failing to pay basic corporate taxes.
A Trail of Fractured Partnerships and Missing Millions
The deception wasn't limited to the Indonesian government. It extended deep into Srivastava’s own domestic business dealings. His former partner, Dutch oil trader Niels Troost, alleged that he was completely taken in by the CIA persona. Troost stated in court filings that he transferred a 50% ownership stake in his own company to Srivastava, firmly believing he was partnering with a well-connected US intelligence asset. Troost later described him in legal complaints as "a brazen con man of remarkable skill."
The financial fallout was immense. The legal complaints detail a specific transaction where Srivastava allegedly orchestrated a $51 million loan from their shared company to the Indonesian Arsari Group. He claimed the capital was required to finance a highly sensitive, covert US government operation.
Once the loan went through, Srivastava allegedly convinced the leadership at Arsari Group to redirect nearly half of that money—roughly $25 million—directly back to him. Court documents allege he used those funds to purchase a luxury mansion in Los Angeles. He attempted to secure the remaining portion of the loan, but the Arsari Group grew suspicious and blocked the transfer.
Srivastava has pushed back against the wave of litigation and public scrutiny. He posted denials on his personal website, calling the allegations "gross fabrications" orchestrated by Troost. He argued that Troost is merely attempting to deflect attention from his own legal troubles, given that Troost faced regulatory sanctions from the United Kingdom, Switzerland, and the European Union for his involvement in trading Russian oil.
None of the preliminary military agreements ever resulted in an actual purchase by the Indonesian government. The entire apparatus collapsed into a web of civil lawsuits, leaving behind a stark reminder of how easily the highest levels of international defense diplomacy can be manipulated by a convincing story.
The fundamental breakdown occurred because individuals relied on proximity and personal narratives rather than demanding rigorous, independent institutional vetting. To protect your own operations from similar bad actors, you need to establish strict boundaries.
Never accept verbal verification or personal anecdotes regarding sensitive government connections. Force every potential partner or intermediary to verify their credentials through official, public, and institutional channels before granting access to decision-makers.
This video details the investigative reporting behind international defense contract fraud and the risks of unverified intermediaries. Firstpost report on fake CIA agent case explains the legal fallout of the corporate deception.
